Science and Politics in Mexico:
The Case of Mining and Mining Educationby Patricia Aceves and Wade Chambers
CONTENTS
Consolidation of the New Spanish ScientificNetwork: The Royal School of Mines
This paper is a translation by Wade Chambers (Deakin University) of an unpublished Spanish manuscript by Dr. Patricia Aceves (Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana. Mexico, D.F.). The translation includes certain additions and modifications directed towards the joint publication of a larger collaborative study of Mexican science during this period. This preprint is presented for discussion only and is not for quotation without permission from the authors. See also SIS Working Paper No. 2 by Wade Chambers: "Mexico City as Scientific Locale, 1821-1857" .
Within the historiography of Mexican science, studies dedicated to the first half of the nineteenth century are few in number. Indeed, the scientific and technological terrain of the country in the crucial first years of Mexican independence remains largely unexplored by historians. The principal object of this paper is to present a preliminary analysis of the early politics of Mexican science and science education, beginning with the array of reforms introduced in the last years of the colony of New Spain while focussing on the first years of Mexican independence.
Toward this end we describe the philosophical and political presuppositions, and the economic forces, that underlie the actions of the state in the scientific area particularly in relation to the politics of mining and to the foremost scientific institution of those years: the Royal School of Mines. In line with the foregoing, we try on the one hand to elaborate new categories for understanding science in independent Mexico and on the other hand to put together a picture of the scientific activities realized in the last decades of the colonial epoch and those that took place in the periods of transition, in the first years of independence, and in the consolidation of the Republic.
Mining Politics at the End of the Colonial Period
New Spain in the second half of the 18th century was the scene of unprecedented economic and cultural growth. This development was the product of a conjunction of circumstances, political, social, cultural and economic, which favoured both material prosperity and the advancement of scientific activity. The Spanish Crown initiated a series of reforms inspired by the mercantilism of Colbert that contemplated the "termination of the commercial monopoly of Cadiz,-the distribution of indigenous lands and the encouragement of silver mining."[2] The fundamental principal was that of "strengthening the state and subordinating the entire economy to these interests . . . even when this damaged the interests and economic well being of the colonies."[3] Also characteristic of Bourbon absolutism was the "intention of reforming society from above according to the dictates of reason and of national betterment and philanthropy".[4]
Along with a series of changes in administrative structure, the Spanish diplomats dictated measures tending as much to augment their monopolies and the collection of taxes as to facilitate free commerce between the ports of New Spain and the Spanish Peninsula The politics of Charles m sought to encourage the growth of American markets. The production of silver by its multiplier effects - its increase led to the growth of the mercantile population and to the augmenting of the demand for European manufactured goods - was a key element within this political program.
Bourbon policy with respect to mining was characterized by the following objectives: "to prevent the great commercial monopolizers from controlling the circulation of money and mine production through loans; to avoid fiscal and bureaucratic constraints; to promote silver production on a large scale through reduction of the costs of material controlled by the State; to support the big silver producers recognizing them politically and socially (giving them a formally organized body and conferring on them many titles of nobility) and through the administration and control of the work."[5] Throughout the eighteenth century, mine production increased and reached volumes never before recorded; by the end of the century, the participation of New Spain in world production was approximately sixty percent. From the extant information about the minting of coins, three distinct phases can be recognized in this process: 1690-1752, constant growth; 1753-1767, declining trend; 1768-1810, sudden recovery and growth.
Between 1767 and 1783, the production of precious metals increased in a spectacular manner and maintained very high levels until the beginning of the war of independence in 1810. By 1804-1805, the growth reached 27,000,000 minted pesos. In those years, the main option was the exploration of new veins in old mines, that is, work in the deepest mines. "This was possible because the Crown applied a series of support measures to mine production, in particular the reduction in the price of mercury, which made expenses go down and made these types of exploration profitable."[6] Another favourable influence was the increase in population, which translated into higher availability of manpower. In this way, cost reduction and security of investment made profitable the expensive drainage and extraction works, helpful to the processing of the mineral, as well as the construction of large landholding estates (haciendas).
Thus, during Charles m's era, fiscal exemptions and financial support came in the form of reduction in the price of mercury and of gun powder, exemptions to payment of the tithe and the sales tax on goods that were consumed in the mines. The wider use of gun powder, the greater provision of mercury, the increase in the price of local silver bars and the lowering of wages greatly benefited the industry.[7]
Local Roots of the New Institutions
Accompanying the previous measures, during the second half of the eighteenth century, the miner's union proposed a deep reorganization of the administrative, legal, technological and educational aspects of the mining industry. With this it was hoped that the sector would consolidate and become modern while at the same time giving the heavy and dirty work of mining a noble, polished and academic flavor.[8] In this respect, it is worth noting that many years before the Spanish inspector Jose de Galvez came to America, New Spanish miners took steps in various arenas toward solving the difficulties they were having at that time. It is worth noting that already during the first half of the century, the need to lower the price of mercury, to develop new mine ordinances and to create a General Reparation Company had been discussed.[9]
Among the reformers, Galvez and his opponent the New Spaniard Francisco Javier Gamboa stand out. The first was strongly in favor of economic and political measures which helped modernize the colonial regime. With that purpose in mind, he supported the liberalization of mercantile restraints, the suppression of corporations opposed to the central power, tax collection and the restructuring of mining institutions.
As for Gamboa, he was a famous lawyer who identified himself with the interests of the mercantile elite. As a defender of colonial ways and of power groups of local origin, he opposed the efforts of the Crown to remove from positions of power those civil servants that had been born in New Spain. Gamboa made his opinion known in 1761 in his Comments on the Mining Ordinances, which analysed possible solutions to the legal, financial and technological problems of this sector.[10] The Comments undoubtedly served as the basis for the Representation which, on behalf of the New Spanish miners, the peninsular Juan Lucas de Lassaga and the New Spaniard Joaquin Velasquez de Leon presented to Charles m in 1774. In it they requested the creation of a Bank of Loans, of a Mining Court and of a Mineralogical College where they could have their children educated.[11]
In 1777, the Royal Mining Court was formally constituted, Lassaga occupying the position of administrator and Velasquez de Leon being the director. By 1783, the new mining ordinances, written by the New Spaniard in accordance with the proposals in the Representation, were approved.[12] The next year, the Bank of Loans opened its doors to the mining business, but very soon suffered loses in the millions and the purpose for its creation was distorted. Ultimately, its funds served to pay for the loans to the Crown, support the activities of the Court and to finance the School of Mines (Royal Mining Seminary).
During those years, the experience accumulated in the art of metal extraction was manifested both in the invention of procedures and instruments to improve the yield of the ores sought and in the development of specialized texts about these innovations introduced by New Spanish miners.[13]
All this helps us understand the discontent that was generated among the natives (criollos) when in 1786 the Crown decided to appoint, upon the death of the administrator and the director, the distinguished Spanish chemist Fausto de Elhuyar as the director of the Mining Tribunal and to assign him the College project. Elhuyar arrived in 1788, accompanied by a commission of eleven German technician and mineralogists, in charge of supervising the work in the mines and investigating the possible application of the Born method of extraction.
Consolidation of the New Spanish Scientific Network:
The Royal School of MinesBy the end of the eighteenth century, cultural and scientific progress of New Spain took the form of the blossoming of institutions, the development of jobs, the realization of projects and the emergence of a group of men of science, letters and arts. During this period, education centers prospered. Much of the educational renewal was the contribution of the Jesuit seminaries which since the middle of the century imparted the 'new philosophy'. Both in the Capital and the main cities of the interior (Puebla, Valladolid, Queretaro, Guadalajara, among others) there existed seminaries, colleges, schools and academies, attended by the future officials of New Spanish society.[l4]
In effect, the local elites, imbued with utilitarianism and committed to the cultivation of science, came to promote education and the useful arts in ways characteristic of the European Enlightenment. They saw in science not only the needed means for the realization of their projects, but also the guarantee of their later development as a nation. Distinguished New Spaniards concerned themselves with the spreading and application of knowledge (both theoretical and practical) throughout their society. These individuals promoted the formation of a scientific infrastructure evidenced in the registers, publications, scientific instruments and natural history collections as well as in the schools, libraries, laboratories and observatories.[15] In this regard, sometimes with and sometimes without foreign support and encouragement, they founded newspapers, conducted research, lectured, proposed inventions and discoveries, participated in the creation of institutions, rescued traditions and reasserted their claims to nationhood.
Although many scholars have shown the penetration of European ideas in Mexican thought in this period, it is our strong contention that late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Mexican science demonstrates a distinctive pattern of development which owes more to local political and socio-economic circumstance than to the imposition of foreign ideas.[l6]
All of these factors made it possible for the latest scientific-technical advances to be known and discussed and for them to be applied in important social sectors such as: the mining industry, public works, commerce and sanitation. The local elites, seeking a certain degree of autonomy within a despotic framework, sought to develop a dynamic accord with their projects, such as the proposals from the miners discussed above. An appropriate juncture then turned up when the Bourbon regime expressed the political intention to promote scientific activity.
The starting point was the foundation of the San Carlos Royal Academy of Noble Arts in 1784. A most select group of the New Spanish intelligentsia participated in this project, in this way being able to have an academic center at which lay teaching of the sciences and the arts was conducted. All of which explains the strong economic support that the Academy received from different sectors of the colonial society. It is no surprise that among the most important contributors was the Royal Mining Tribunal or that Lassaga together with Velazquez were named perpetual councillors of the institution's administration.[l7]
The intention of the town to support the creation of establishments of higher education expressed itself again in 1788 and in 1792. Those years correspond respectively to the foundation of the Royal Botanical Garden and of the Royal School of Mines.
Things being as they were and after 18 years of waiting, the descendants of the miners could have access to institutionalized teaching in the magnificent Royal Mining Seminary. The young had to take four years of study in such subjects as mathematics, physics, chemistry and mineralogy. Besides these subjects, students received classes in drawing, French, Latin and grammar. Once the courses were finished, the future experts in mining and reduction of metals would transfer to the main mines of the country to do two years of practicum and a thesis. After complying with these requirements, they could take the exams to obtain the corresponding degree.
Attendance at the college was free for the 25 subsidized students, while other students paid a tuition fee. It was an integral education that, besides the scientific aspect, incorporated training in the behavior, thinking, fashion and customs of the European elites. In one word, they sought to prepare future officials and technicians who would serve the Crown.
It is worth noting that the organization of the institution, such as its curriculum and programs, were developed according to the latest advances in science. The lessons were theoretical-practical according to the most modern theories and texts. At the front of this effort were very prestigious and entirely secular professors. Also, the seminary was independent of the Royal and Pontifical University, subject only to the Mining Tribunal and the King.
Certainly, at times, the Royal School of Mines did have problems relating to deficiencies of professors, books, instruments and budget, but these obstacles were overcome through the combined efforts of New Spaniards and Europeans. We have already shown how in the creation of the School the interests of the Crown and the local elites flowed together, and for this reason the different groups involved were able to maintain a dialogue in order to ensure its continued existence.
These same interests allowed the School to grow despite the bad situation the Peninsula was experiencing. It is worth noting that its budget remained constant between 1800 and 1808, at about thirty thousand pesos. As for the student population, there continued to be both students with scholarships and those who paid an annual tuition of 200 pesos. During 1806 to 1810, the total number of paying and subsidized students are recorded in the table below:[l8] To these students were added as well the "aficionados" and professionals from other areas who regularly attended to the classes at the School, thus making the number of attendees really much higher.
Year 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 Students 41 41 50 41 39From the beginning, the Royal School of Mines was to become the most important academic center of the New Spanish scientific network, a leadership role which was to continue in the first fifty years of the independent life of the Mexican nation.[l9]
Towards Independence
Upon the death of Charles III in 1788, his son Charles IV succeeded him to the Spanish throne. During the reign of the latter, even though there existed a continuity in the colonial projects and institutions created by his father, there were changes in mining just as in other fields. In New Spain, this signified a slow down of the dynamic of modernization and "there was no policy of support for the production of precious metals, except that which resulted from the institutions previously founded".[20] As we have already said, these institutions were the product of a demand by the union of miners, which explains the School's growth despite the comings and goings of politicians, scientists and economists from the Peninsula. Both the short and long term success of the School of Mines, as a training ground for new scientists and as a base for scientific activity, resulted from significant contributions from local miners, local scientists, local administrators and local educators.
During the year 1811, twenty years after its founding, the Royal School of Mines was moved into a spacious new building, erected at only slightly less than the total cost of running the School up to that time.[21] Unhappily, this removal marks the decline, indeed for several decades the near extinction, of the School's position as a leading international center for scientific research and teaching.[22] While its teaching and research functions continued through most of the first half of the new century, its special international status was much diminished. The primary reason for this decline was economic. On September 16, 1810, the "Grito de Dolores" had signalled the beginning of a decade of bitter civil war. The war's effect on the Mexican economy was immediate and staggering, since many of the principal mining centers were heavily damaged during the first year. The fact that the amount of silver coined in 1811 was less than half that of the previous year and lower than any year since 1743,23 indicates the extent of the economic disruption. Since the funding of the School was based on a direct tax on silver production of the Mexican mines,[24] it is no surprise that several times during the text ten years proposals were made to disband the School.[25]
Different authors have expressed their opinion about the recession resulting from the decade of the independence civil war. Cross and Velasco recognize that the destruction of the mining installations, the breaking of relations with Spain and the flight of capital, had major repercussions. However, what is postulated as the causes of the recession are the mistrust of investors, the bad harvest of 1810-181 1 and the atmosphere of uncertainty provoked by mistrust of the lower strata of society.[26] In this case the most affected by the instability were the principal mine owners, who had been given preference under Bourbon policy.
The measures dictated by the Crown about mining covered the installation of mints in different regions and the implementation of a restrictive fiscal policy directed to gathering resources for the war.[27]
As a result of the riots between 1809 and 1810, the minting of coins went down from 26,000,000 pesos to half that, and in 1815 it reached down to 8,500,000 pesos. During those years, the abandoned mines flooded and the haciendas were ruined, without however the production declining totally at the most acute point in the crisis, the production was equal to the level reached in the middle of the eighteenth century.[28]
Despite the crisis in this sector, the annual budget of the Mining School between 1813 and 1821 reached an average of 19,707 pesos. The highest expenditure was during 1818 at 22,064, and the lowest in 1821 at 17,611.[29] The student population - internal and external - attending the courses between 1812 and 1820 reached the following levels:[ 30]
Year 1812 1814 1816 1818 1819 1820 Students 35 26 37 33 32 31At the beginning of 1821, nine subsidized students remained, and courses were still being taught. On September 22, Augustin de Iturbide the "Liberator" entered Mexico City, Fausto de Elhyar loyal to his king decided to return to Spain and for that reason presented his resignation as director of the School of Mines on October 22. By October 25, the two titular lecturers and the two substitutes together with the five subsidized students still remaining at the School, took their oath of allegiance to independence.[31]
Lasdy, it is worth remembering chat on the eve of independence, the San Carlos Royal Academy of Noble Arts, the Royal Botanical Garden and the Royal Mining School had become scientific centers which collected, concentrated, systematized, processed, generated and interchanged relevant and new scientific information. Also, the codes of behaviour and forms of scientific work including the objectives, goals and policies which needed to be realized were being established within the scientific community.
Even though these centers maintained a preferential relation with the Spanish Peninsula, in many administrative and academic aspects, this did not impede the ex change of information with other European and American centers. In their evolution, the New Spanish scientific institutions generated their own functioning characteristics and dynamics. New lines of communication among them made possible the integration of a local scientific network which established behavioral norms, work rules and procedures, mechanisms of legitimation, socio-professional roles and common problems.[32]
At the School of Mines, classes in a wide spectrum of activities (such as language, grammar, mathematics, physics, chemistry, mineralogy, geography, botany, drawing, perspective, and sculpture) foreshadowed the curricula of European polytechnic institutions and made possible the consolidation of a scientific community ranging over many fields. This community proved essential to the survival of the new Mexican nation, providing key personnel for the development of the cultural and political institutions.
The Philosophical Assumptions of the
Legislation to Promote Science and its Useful Applications
at the Beginning of the Nineteenth CenturyThe statements about the usefulness of the sciences that proliferated in the eighteenth century were nothing more than aspirations to be realized in the future. Before the advent of such institutions as the Mexican School of Mines, the productive apparatus, both in Europe and in the Americas, did not possess the means to respond to the need for scientists and specialized technicians, let alone to bring about a profound revamping of their activities.
It is therefore not surprising that well into the nineteenth century questions continued to be raised as to what was the social role to be played by the sciences. To answer these questions meant addressing certain underlying philosophical and political issues. "In those years, science occupied a position of privilege in the face of activities compromised by ideology (economics, "heater, literature, . . .), in the struggle against dogmatism, superstition and oppression. Its publicists affirmed that its experimental and mathematical nature constituted an autonomous system to produce knowledge as certain as it was unknown to demons and other ghosts." 33
The eighteenth century also introduced scenarios for the philosophy of progress. In the field of sciences, this progress seemed especially evident; a revolutionary change had occurred between Copernicus and Newton. It was the birth of modern science and the break from the gothic and old knowledge.[34]
Within the philosophy of progress, there existed a series of hypotheses about morals and human nature. They put forth the universal search of useful knowledge as a means to reach happiness. The fundamental problem consisted in reconciling individual interests with social interests, how to accomplish the maximum good and personal pleasure and contribute at the same time to the happiness of the highest number of individuals. The answer was in providing knowledge to the population through education and in writing good laws.[35]
An important application of the utilitarian doctrine is found in the economic thought of Adam Smith and of the French Physiocrats. They believed that in economic relations among men there existed a natural order governed by universal laws. Among the latter was the desire on the part of individuals to improve their condition and their propensity to change some clings for others. The optimal results would be obtained within a perfectly free and just regime.[36]
Utilitarian thinking was present in the politics of Spanish enlightened despotism of which Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos was the main proponent. In the Report on Agrarian Law, written by him, he rejects the language of individual interest and of "laissez-faire." The influence of his work may be seen in the 1812 Constitution of Cadiz, in the interest in education and in the promotion of economic activities geared to foster agriculture and industry.[37]
In this respect, it is worth commenting that Jovellanos and the French Physiocrats assumed the presence of an enlightened despot, even if it implied an ambivalence in the role of the State.
Also associated with utilitarian thinking, we find Helvecio and Bentham. The latter had great influence on the Mexican legislators of the decade of the 20's in the nineteenth century. Bentham had great faith in individuals, considered to be rational agents with the capacity to issue the best judgement about their own interests. The role of the law was to promote and even to force the connection and identification of the interests of each one with those of the others.[38]
It is evident that several issues remained pending, as it was the establishment of the role of government in permitting, on the one hand, individual liberties and, on the other, in making uniform and harmonious societal interests for the common good. As we shall see, this problem continued to be debated by nineteenth century liberals.
In the process of legitimation of governmental power through the application of policy with scientific criteria, the enlightened despots and later those governing independent Mexico in their fights against corporations, also had important conflicts with the church. During the Colonial period, this confrontation ended with the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 from the Spanish territories. From then on, the supreme authority of the king was established and the secularization of teaching and of culture in general was brought forward.
In independent Mexico, the secularization of education and of society was a preoccupation present through several decades. In the opinion of the reformer Jose Marfa Luis Mora, it was easy to recognize that the good of the community will benefit the individual, but that it is also indispensable to possess knowledge of the social sciences to be able to overcome a harsh despotism that might be associated with a republican system. Education would make it possible for the individual to find "the rules that would govern its actions and which at the same time guarantee his rights and impose obligations."[39]
In this manner, education became a weapon in the hands of the State and of its supporters in the ideological debate. For this reason, the State adjudicated not only the faculty to provide incentive to education of the inhabitants, but also to establish its political orientation. It becomes evident that for the realization of such ends it was absolutely necessary to liberate all teaching from the grasp of the church.
This being the case, in the minds of the elites at the beginning of the nineteenth century, not only were the natural world but also the social world subject to the regularity of scientific laws. In this way, a government which sought to contribute to the happiness of individuals and the common good would have to be based on the principles of reason and science. As a consequence, both the concept of the modern State and the legitimation of its power were constructed on that rational base.[40] For the Mexican case, in the constitutions of 1812, 1814 and 1824, there exists a political discourse based on scientific doctrines about society and nature. For the purpose of this work, we shall analyze certain aspects linked to the politics of science, contained in the constitutions of 1812 and 1824.
Legislation Fostering Science and its Useful Applications in the Constitutions of 1812 and 1824.
The constitution of 1812 was issued by the Courts of Cadiz and sworn in New Spain on September of the same year. In 1814, it was suspended by Fernando VII's decree which restored the absolutist system. By 1820, this same monarch saw himself forced to re-establish it and in New Spain the Viceroy Apodaca was in charge of swearing it in on May 31 of the same year.
The Constitution of Cadiz established a constitutional catholic monarchy, respecting the beloved liberal ideals in relation to individual liberties and the three powers. In the case of justice, it marked just one law for all persons except clerics and military men.
Its title IX, dedicated to Public Instruction pointed to the fact that "in all the peoples of the monarchy, basic skills schools would be established in which children would be taught to read, write and relate the catechism of the catholic faith, which will also include a statement of the civil laws."[41] It also ordered the creation of universities and other establishments for the teaching of sciences, literature and the arts; in those dedicated to the ecclesiastic and political sciences, it delineated the obligation to explain the constitution.
To carry out these actions, it instituted the general orientation of studies for public education, under the authority of the government. From there on, courts would be in charge of the plans and statues for public instruction, and all Spaniards would have the liberty to write, print and discuss their political ideas.
Among the faculties of the Courts, written in Title II of the constitution, the following were assigned: to establish custom offices and the fees to be paid; to establish the value, weight, law, type and denomination of coins; to adopt the system of pesos considered to be just and comfortable; to promote all kinds of industries; to establish a general plan of education throughout the monarchy; to approve the regulations for politics and the health of the kingdom; to protect the political freedom of printing, etc.[42]
After claiming its independence in 1821, the young Mexican republic had to undertake a harsh task to define its identity and to resolve the problems caused by the different factions fighting for power. Several decades would have to pass for the conflicts between the Bourbons and Iturbidistas, federalists and centralists, radicals and moderates to find a peaceful solution.
Meanwhile, the Constitutional Congress focussed on the elaboration of laws of a firm and liberal government "to help the Mexican people take their place among the civilized nations";[43] laws that were proclaimed under the 1824 Federal Constitutions of the United States of Mexico.[44]
Broadly, the Constitution declared the freedom of the Mexican nation from the government of Spain, set parameters around its territory, decreed the catholic faith as the only and compulsory religion, preserved the ecclesiastic and military laws and established the federal representative republic with the three powers.[45]
The powers of the General Congress encompassed a series of orders to foster enlightenment and prosperity, linked to the academic institutions and to the branches of industry, commerce and public works. It must be mentioned that the three first were intended respectively to:
1. "promote enlightenment: ensuring for a limited time the exclusive rights of authors for their respective works, establishing maritime, artilllery and engineering colleges, erecting one or more establishments where natural and exact sciences, political and moral, noble arts and languages were taught; without prejudicing the freedom of the legislatures to organize education in the respective States.
2. To foster general prosperity, decreeing the opening of roads and canals or their improvement ... establishing posts and mail offices, and, for a limited time, ensuring investors, those involved in perfecting or introducing any branch of industry, exclusive rights to their inventions, refinements or new introductions.
3. To protect and organize the political freedom of the press."[46]
Other elements referred to noting the limits placed on States; arranging for commerce; making ports viable; establishing customs offices; standardising the peso, law, value and denomination of coins, so as to adopt a standard measures system and provide rules for the concession of patents.
We can appreciate that all these depositions formed part of a policy based on science and its applications. Policy, that was to be put into practice, utilized this same science, and its applications were a means to achieve its execution.
National Projects
One month after the independence of the United States of Mexico was declared, four State Secretariats were created: Foreign and Internal Affairs, Justice and Ecclesiastic Matters, Public Treasury and War. Matters related to science and its applications were assigned to the Secretariat of Affairs. This one, besides being in charge of diplomatic and State affairs, would take charge of the General Directorship of Mail Services, maintenance of roads, streets and bridges, and also the economic and political areas.
During this initial phase, the new government put in motion actions geared at setting the lines of its structure and its exercise of power. For that purpose, it issued a series of social, political and economic measures. Among them were the special interest given to the industrial sector, education, public works, community and health services and the recognition of the national territory, all of them linked to scientific activity.
During this period, there persisted a constant preoccupation with liberalizing industry and commerce, and an attitude of support towards the mining, cotton, silk and tobacco industries.[47] Even though during the first years the policy towards industry was restricted to attempts at reorganising, at the beginning of the decade of the 30's, new institutions were created which promoted activities in this area. That was the case of the Bank of Loans founded to foster national industry and to provide incentives to the States to direct their efforts to the same end.
C. A. Hale in his study of Mexican liberalism between 1821 and 1853 states that liberals and conservatives presented similar positions about diverse situations. In his opinion, liberals were more attentive to ideological discussion and the formulation of the project of the nation they sought to build, than to immediate aspects such as how to put into practice the project set forth. Hale recognizes that the so-called conservatives were much more pragmatic in this respect and that the liberals were more doctrinaire.[48]
In effect, the policies implanted by Charles m influenced considerably the projects of the liberals and conservatives in independent Mexico. It has been observed that there is a certain continuity among the economic postulates of the Bourbon reforms and the constitutions of 1812 and 1824. In this sense, liberals agreed with "laissez-faire," the internalization of markets and the disarticulation of corporations and laws that obstructed business freedom and individuals' equality before the law. The conservatives approve of the existence of a strong central government, in charge of issuing and enforcing the necessary measures to maintain peace and foster the riches of the nation through the formation of a national market; understanding that it was indispensable to preserve civil, ecclesiastic and military corporations as organizational representational forms before the central power.
The principal ideologist and executor of the project of the so-called conservatives, --- be considered the main protagonist of the structuring and impulse of a policy of fostering national industry. His actions to accomplish this spanned the first four decades of the era of independence. In 1825, being Minister of Affairs, he proposed the development of a statistical base that would inform the policies for national economic. Also in 1830, he presented a proposal creating a centralized education system.[49]
From his position as Minister he promoted foreign investment in the mining industry, and he himself was the head of one of the most important enterprises supported by British capital. After a few years of facing not so satisfactory results from such companies, there was an inclination towards the structuring of a national market based on manufacturing, with emphasis on the textile industry. For that purpose, inspired from the Bourbon institutions, he promoted the foundation of a Bank of Loans for fostering of industry. In the opinion of C. Hale, this bank, which became the General Board of Mexican Industry in 1842, was organised "to seek governmental stimulus in fields selected through direct investment, special tax exemptions, manipulation of customs tariffs, importation of machinery and foreign technologies; all Bourbon policies for a modern mercantilism."[50] Later in 1846, the Board was replaced by the Directorship of Colonization and Industry, which became part of the Secretariat of Public Works and the Economy, upon Alaman's request.
It can be said that the conservatives supported the direct intervention of the State in the economy, but not so the liberals. For the latter, the State should only intervene to eliminate obstacles to the free enterprise of individual interests. Besides the ideological differences of the two groups which sought power, another problem they faced was the regionalization of political powers. Regionalization which began during the rein of Charles IV and which gave rise to a disintegration of the economic structure due to the war for independence.
In this matter, C. Velasco maintains that "the model of a federalist government promoted by the liberals protected the regional factions which did not want to submit to decisions coming from the center and who benefited from the economic disarticulation.''[51] From his point of view, "neither liberals nor conservatives were constituted as closed groups, nor as completely exclusionary or defined trends nor as clashing thinking systems."[52] On the contrary, both factions were extreme manifestations of bureaucratic circles and of the class formed of owners, who paid attention to their immediate interest more so than to the national project.
This leads to the conclusion that the shape of the political measures adopted by the central government and federal entities was determined by immediate needs and the lack of equilibrium among the economically powerful groups. As a consequence, it suggests that one must not speak of an economic policy for the period after 1810, but of policies and politicians, powers and regions, instances and mechanisms in the plural.
It is therefore evident that the instability of these decades prevented the political factions from consolidating a long term economic project. Certain policies and certain institutions found continuity simply because not everything could be modified every time. So, no policy was developed by the government in a constant and decisive manner. An example of the latter is that despite the fact that politicians agreed on the need to foster the mining industry, "very few favorable measures but many obstacles were adopted''[53]
The weakness of the Mexican government became apparent in its defeat by the United States and the loss of half the national territory in 1847. Later, there would be dramatic attempts on both sides to impose the project of a nation which each wished to have. In 1851, the liberals designed a program as radical as the one from 1833. The conservatives in 1853 were able to ensure that Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna established a monarchical government. The next year, the most integrated effort was developed "to revive the old Bourbon project, not only concerning mining but there was also an effort to extend the corporate organization to commerce, industry and agriculture."[54]
With the success of the Aynda plan in 1855, the radical and moderate liberals decided to become more pragmatic and implemented a stronger government. However, this did not stop the war of three years due to the promulgation of the 1857 Constitution, neither did it prevent the conservatives from taking advantage of international conflicts around the Mexican debt to establish the Maximilian empire.[55] During the Empire, a liberal policy was adopted chat was interrupted when the government of Benito Juarez ordered the execution of the emperor and the restoration of the Republic in 1867. From then on, the central power defined a new pact with the regional powers and was able to implement national policies with long term repercussions.
Mining Policy from 1821 to 1867
As we have said, the disturbances of the civil war caused serious damage to the mining industry. The ruin of important royal mines combined with the lack of resources, the small supply of mercury and speculation brought about the distancing of capital from this sector. The independence of the Mexican nation having being declared, the government decreed the suppression of gold and silver rights, establishing the only tax contribution as three percent of the value of the minerals. It also assigned charges for the making of coins and refining, fixed the weight of coins, freed mercury from rights and ordered that explosive powder be sold to miners at cost.
To support mining, it encouraged foreign investment. This policy materialized in the formation of several enterprises mainly British, which rehabilitated the mines. From 1822 and until 1850, an important recovery occurred, followed by a period of no progress between 1850 and 1876. However, it must be made clear that the average in this period reached almost 18,500,000 minted pesos, a higher number than the average of 18,000,000 pesos during Bourbon prosperity between 1750 and 18l0.[56]
(Summary: metal industry captured the most foreign investments; it did not require long term investments.)
(Summary: people with money invested in less risky businesses and were the beneficiaries of governmental exemptions which made them richer.)
(Summary: special concessions were given to businesses.)
(Summary: governments were weak and so allowed individuals to have liquid capital which they used to buy government bonds and favors from officials.)
The change from the colonial era to that of independence did not bring with it a break in the mode of organization, or the work and commercialization of mining. It continued to be directed towards exploitation and export of precious minerals in the form of minted coins. Even though the silver coin continued to be the preferred mode of payment, the contraband of silver in paste increased considerably.
As for technology, even though steam machines were introduced in the draining of the mines, metal reduction methods were improved and some modifications were made to business administration, all of this did not translate into a change in the organization of the production process or ways of contracting. It can be said that mining production remained within the traditional cannons and that structural change did not occur until the end of the nineteenth century.[57]
The Constitution of 1824 changed the organization of the mining industry. In 1826, a law was issued that abolished the Mining Tribunal and in its place the Mining Establishment was installed, which lacked jurisdictional faculties and political power to govern mining. In reality, the functions of that office were to administer the School of Mining College and to liquidate the Endowment Fund.
Throughout this period, the legislators were not able to develop a new mining code. The liberals, even though not accepting of the existence of the special court, did agree with the miners councils, if they did not have any judicial faculties.
(Summary: the Mining Establishment was replaced with the Board for Public Works and the Economy and the Mines Administration, in charge mainly of acquiring and distributing mercury.)
It is worth mentioning that the lack of mercury was increased by the monopoly of the Rothschild House on this metal. Looking to remedy this situation, the Board decreed the formation of a fund of mercury and of commissions in charge of exploring mercury veins. The problem was finally resolved when the mercury ores in California provided the amounts needed for the Mexican mines.
It was not until 1854 that jurisdictional power was returned to the miners' union, but the Mining Tribunal's powers were left with the State. However, this Bourbon experiment lasted until 1855, to finally return to the legislative mode of 1842.
To close this section, it is worth making reference to the Ministry of Public Works and the Economy, which was an organism directed to foster productive activities, a function which it performed from its creation in 1853 until it was closed under the regime of Porfidio Diaz.
In his Memoirs of the Secretariat of the State and the Office of Public Works and the Economy, Colonization, Industry and Commerce of the Mexican Republic, presented by the Minister in that area in 1857, it is pointed out that the ministry was in charge of the development of a national statistics, the fostering of agricultural, mining and textile industries, promotion of colonization and the utilization of uncultivated lands, the increment of the internal and external commerce and the realization of public works such as the construction of canals and roads and draining projects and the railroad. To ensure the successful accomplishment of those ^..~e it al~n h~A tn h~ in charge of the application of scientific knowledge and the functioning of trade schools.
As we shall see next, study plans of the School of Mines considered the preparation of professionals necessary for the development of the aforementioned areas.
The School of Mines in Independent Mexico
Earlier in this paper, we suggested that in the thinking of the different political groups of independent Mexico, the enlightenment of peoples was considered to sow the origin of all individual and social good, and that the Constitution of 1824 gave the State the faculty to found institutions to promote it among the citizenry. Consonant with these positions, Lancasterian basic skills schools were erected for boys and girls and education at all levels was supported. The education in these centers was based on the orientation given by the State. It was in this way that the enlightenment and formation of civic consciousness of the citizenry was sought. For that reason, the importance of educating the young not only within catholic precepts but also in those concerning the political catechism of the social sciences was amply discussed in the Congress.
Because of this, both in the Lancasterian and literary institutes recently created and also in the extant colleges, a great emphasis was placed on the teaching of humanities and social sciences in comparison to the natural sciences. As for the study of the sciences at the higher level, the Bourbon institutions of modern design founded during the second half of the eighteenth century were preserved, namely: School of Surgery, San Carlos Academy, Botanical Garden and the School of Mines. San Juan de Letran and San Ildelfonso Colleges also continued to operate.
There was continuity in the establishments mentioned between the study plans from the colonial period and those of the independent period and a good part of the teaching premises were kept. In this period of profound political changes, it was the existence of a scientific community that guaranteed the survival of the academic centers. The members of that community participated actively in the structuring of the new nation, both in the development of scientific policies and plans for public instruction, and in the organization of groups according to the new political order. Among the latter, the most important initiative was the inauguration of the National Institute of Sciences, Literature and Arts in 1826.
It is worth pointing out that the Institute numbered a total of 50 full members, 39 correspondents in the outlying states, 23 foreign and 82 honorary members. The list of members included well known personalities from the academic, industrial, commercial, administrative, ecclesiastic and political sectors as well as the Minister of State Lucas Alaman.[59]
If liberation from Spain signified certain changes in the teaching program of the old School of Mines, it is possible to affirm that its structure did not suffer important modifications. Insofar as the School would have served the interests of the local elites, the funds destined for it were secure. In this respect, the School was able to earn in 1821 &1822 the respective sums 18,763 and 21,355, in spite of adverse national economic conditions.[60]
The absence of a major break in this period of transition was manifest in the following ways: the tenure of the professors in charge of the courses, the majority of whom were graduates of the program; the operation of the goals, objectives and contents of the curriculum; the strategic importance of the mining sector for the national economy; the interest of the local elites in conserving the nation's most important scientific centre; the continuing influence of the philosophy of progress and the cult of science in the ideology of diverse social and political sectors.
In the dawn of the national period, the State supported the mining industry. With that purpose in mind, it offered fiscal discounts, reformed the Mint and put an end to the Mining Tribunal. Even more, it decreed that the positions of assayers and sorters in the Mint were occupied by individuals who had been examined in physics and in chemistry at the Mining School.[61]
Also, in 1826, the Faculty Board of the College sent the president of the Republic some proposals for modification of the plan of study. The purpose was to legalize the changes that had already been incorporated in the functioning of the institution for some years. The plan formalized the lengthening of the period of studies to five years, as the teaching of mathematics had been extended to two years.[62] That year there were nine subsidized students, nine paying students and eight part-timers and the end of the course was marked with a public ceremony.
In the middle of all types of shortages, efforts were made to maintain an adequate academic level within the School. As part of this effort, repairs were made to the building housing the Palace of Mines that was falling apart, and 300 volumes and several collections and instruments were ordered from the Pixii House in Paris for the studies and laboratories of the institution.[63]
By 1830, the budget assigned to cover the college's expenses went up to 25,000 pesos. In that same year, the most complete proposal for the reorganization of public education was presented, its author being our already known minister of affairs. In it, Alaman, recommended "to dedicate each of the extant establishments to a particular branch of the teaching, and to give a uniform direction to it."[64] . In his opinion, instruction should be divided in the following areas: ecclesiastic sciences; law, politics and classic literature; physical and natural sciences; medical sciences and a branch integrated by the museum and the botanical garden. He also stated the convenience of introducing lectures in physical sciences in the first two areas and of eliminating the courses of medicine at the university. To direct all matters related to education, he recommended the creation of the General Directorship of Studies and the fusion into it of the National Institute. Seemingly, the latter had not had classes due to lack of assistance and because its regulation was inappropriate.
By 1833, education policies of the State formed part of the reform of the liberal government of Valentin Gomez Farias. In those reforms, besides secularizing education, there was an effort to abolish the military law, seize the assets of the clergy, reform religious orders and give the government the exercise of the Royal Patronage. In the academic world, Alaman's proposals were retaken and the extinction of the University with conservative tendencies and the creation of six educational institutions under a General Directorship of Public Instruction was decreed. At the same time, it was decided to organize primary schools in the capital, a national library and a scientific establishment in the areas of antiquities, industrial products, natural history and the botanical garden. The School of Mines became part of the Establishment of Physical Sciences and Mathematics. To the existing subjects were added German, natural history and botany, cosmography and geology. It is worth noting that the majority of the courses remained in the hands of the old professors of the college and that in that period Andres del Rio was convinced, who of his own will was living in Philadelphia since 1829, to lecture in geology. 6s
The college offered careers for assayers, metal experts, experts in mine engineering, surveyor, architect and civil engineer.[66] Without a doubt, these six were intended to respond to the priorities of independent Mexico, while the last three were clearly oriented to the realization of public works. In effect, the fitting out of ports for commerce, the opening and improvement of roads and canals, the building of drains and fortifications were paid attention to by the governments in turn.[67] Other activities which required the participation of engineers, geologists, mineralogists and botanists were the delimitation and recognition of the national territory. In this case, the demarcation of the states of the federation and the borders with the United States were carried out.[68] Simultaneously, data were collected to develop a general census and to improve the geographical map and information about natural resources, arts and industries, history and customs.[69] These initiatives led to the creation of the National Institute of Geography and Statistics in 1833.
We have already referred to earlier student enrolments at the School of Mines, in these years, the total of all types of students were:[70]
Year 1829 1832 1833 1834 Students 24 47 51 36In this last year the library of the School of Mines contained a total of 1706 books covering many areas of knowledge. It is worth noting that the titles included authors of many nationalities and about many subjects of both theoretical and practical orientation. This collection united the most renowned periodical publications in the natural sciences and manuals for building useful things.[71]
At the national level, the initiatives of Gomez Farfas were modified or totally revoked by President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna in 1834 ,and the School of Mines returned to the way it was before the reforms. During the following decade the expenses of the School increased due to the purchase of books, instruments, machinery and collections, as well as to repairs to the building and the offering of new courses. By 1843, President Santa Anna decreed an increase of 24,000 pesos over the fixed amount for the functioning of the School, making the next year's annual expenditures 53,000 pesos.[72]
Together with these economic measures, a new plan of study was put into place for the careers of surveyor, sorter of gold and silver, expert in reduction of metals, mine engineer, geographer and naturalist. In that plan, the cosmography and delineation class was divided into two courses: one of cosmography, geodesy and astronomy and another in draughtmanship. Also established were classes in Spanish grammar, logic and ideology and others in geography, geology, zoology and German. Seeking to improve teaching, the School bought a copious collection of machines and instruments from the French manufacturer Pixii in 1845 to work in: mechanics, hydrostatics, hydrodynamics, pneumatics, meteorology, calorimetry, electricity, galvanism, electromagnetism, optics and chemistry.[73]
The prosperity of the School was dampened by the war of 1847; from then on the shortage of funds became a daily affair. By 1851, Mineralogy Professor Antonio del Castillo presented a bill before the Chamber of Deputies to reorganize the School. He proposed that the careers be grouped into two branches: civil engineering and mine engineering. The first included the specialties of land and water surveyors, road engineer and mechanical engineer. The second included those of mine surveyor and measurer, silver assayers, expert in reduction of metals and expert mining practitioner. The lectures in these specialties were similar to the ones already in existence, and some courses were added to reinforce the contents of civil engineering. The proposal also included the creation of a Practical School in Mines in Fresnillo, where students would practice geometrical and subterranean measurements, the construction of road and machines, the techniques of reduction of metals, geological exploration and the exploitation of mines.[74]
As we can see, Castillo's plan sought to promote the development of the country in terms of its engineering power to respond to the urgent need of creating regional markets, of integrating all communications within the Republic, of expanding national industry and initiating the exploration of other minerals like iron, mercury, copper, tin, lead, etc. Minerals that were important both in the carrying on of domestic activities and in the field of exportation..
The latter project was applied partially and by 1853 favorable winds were blowing. In that year, the Ministry of Public Works and the Economy, Colonization, Industry and Commerce was established, appointing the Professor of Geology and Zoology of the School of Mines, Joaquin Velazquez de Leon, as the responsible official. A little later, President Santa Anna decreed the creation of the practical school and from then on, this establishment gave students the opportunity to acquire the necessary technical preparation. The Fresnillo School held collections of minerals, models of machines and a chemistry laboratory. In this lab, analyses were made of water, various salts, saltpeter, and assays of minerals of regions nearby. During their two years at the School, students received theoretical and practical lessons in accounting, plan and machine drafting, applied mechanics, laboratory trials and exercises, metallurgy and chemical analysis.[75]
By 1857, the interest of the State in promoting mining was very well known. In that year, the Secretary of the Ministry of Public Works and the Economy stated categorically that "agriculture and mining were the two fields that really constituted the public riches."[76] He, however, pointed out the inconvenience of not having domestically owned companies and that for that reason gradually the right had been conceded to foreigners to own properties, rural and urban, and including mines of all kinds of metals. Such was the case of the anonymous company of nationals and foreigners of Renato Masson and Partners, top which had been conceded all the exemptions and assistance contemplated in the ordinances for the big mining companies. The company was authorized to explore and exploit, throughout the Republic, deposits of gold, silver, iron, copper, tin, mercury, lead, coal and any other mineral substance, which was needed to fulfil production and commerce needs.
Around that time, mine engineer Julio Guillemin, member of the Mexican commission at the Paris exposition assured everyone that Mexico had produced nine tenth of all the silver circulating around the world. Talking about the importance of the field, he stated: "Even today, our silver mines deliver for general consumption three fourth of what is produced annually."[77] He also claimed that this production totaled 500,000 kilograms, of which nine tenths came through the process of amalgamation. If Guillemin set forth the necessity of introducing industrial advances in the exploitation of silver, he recognized how advantageous the method was to the special characteristics for the Mexican soil. The altitude of the mines and the absence of nearby forests and streams made it enormously difficult to utilize mechanical machines to do the work.
Faced with the need for individuals with higher technical preparation, capable of carrying out the challenge of the industrialization of the country, an 1856 decree created the Industrial School of Arts and Occupations. With the same purpose, the physics and mechanics chair of the School of Mines became two chairs in 1857, one in physics and another in rational mechanics. By then, English and French were taught in addition to German.[78] In relation to the public ceremonies in the School of the Mines celebrating the end of studies, the existing records indicate that these took place in 1842, 1845-1846, 1848-1857, and 1859.[79] During the Imperial period the graduates of the School of Mines held outstanding positions in the various offices and positions which were entrusted to them and political and economic support)
Engineers with titles from the
Imperial School of Mines, 1835-1865Geographical engineers 3 Mining engineers 34 Topographers 63 Assayers 66 -------------------------- Total 193The courses taught at the Imperial School of Mines include mathematics, rational mechanics, industrial mechanics, experimental physics, inorganic chemistry, mineralogy, dosimetry? and chemical analysis, botany, zoology, conchology, geology, palaeontology, practical astronomy, drawing, draughtsmanship, topography, geodesy, principles of construction and classes of French, English and German. In Guanajuato was found a School of Mines with a curriculum very similar to its equivalent in the Capital.[80] Other valuable initiatives, during the Imperial period, for the history of Mexican science may be found in the creation of the "Scientific Expedition of Mexico" and the Imperial Academy of the Sciences and Fine Arts.
Once the Republic was restored, on December 2, 1867, the Ministry of Justice and Public Instruction issued the Organic Law for Public Instruction in the Federal District. This law created the National Preparatory School and ordered the transformation of the School of Mines into the Special School of Engineers.
Finally, we want to emphasize that, in the period that we have analysed, the professors and graduates of the School of Mines performed many works of investigation, often linked to general commissions tendered by the government or the mining sector. In this sense they were entrusted with currency inspection, discovery of mineral deposits and of various natural products, plans for public instruction, reports on industrial production and innumerable chemical and mineralogical analyses of samples of minerals and other substances. At the same time, they took part in commissions charged with establishing national boundaries, of undertaking geological and geographical exploration, of constructing geographic maps and statistics, and of establishing the system of weights and measures. The results of these assignments were recorded in the form of journal articles, or in the reports and memoirs of the particular commissions. In the first three decades of the life of the new nation these appeared in the Registro Trimestre and in the Revista Cientifica Y Literaria; while during the second half of the century they were reproduced in the Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, in the Anales Mexicanos and in the Anales de Fomento.[81]
Among the most outstanding personalities of the institution were Andres Manuel del Rio, Manuel Cotero, Manuel Ruiz de Tejada, Tomas Ramon del Moral, Jose Manuel Herrera, Manuel Castro, Joaquin Ramirez Roxas, Joaquin Velazquez de Leon, Luis Varela, Castulo Navarro, Miguel Bustamante, Blas Balcarcel, Joaquin Mier y Teran, Jose Salazar Ilarregui, Antonio del Castillo, Francisco Diaz Covarrubias, Francisco Jimenez, Mariano Barcena, Santiago Ramirez, Lucas Alaman, Andres Quintana Roo, Jose Maria Tornel, Jose Maria Velasco and many others. Among them we find scientists, professors, Ministers, parliamentarians, businessmen and even noted personalities of the artistic world.
By way of conclusion, it can be established that from the foundation of the Mining School, the teaching and application of scientific knowledge were oriented towards the recovery and production of metals and other important products of the mining industry, as well as towards activities related to public works; yet at the same time the training of professionals was established on a broad scientific base. Thus, in this sense, these efforts show surprising continuity since the programs adapted themselves both to the progress of the disciplines and to the projects of the State.
The continuity and profundity of the theoretical and applied activities cultivated within resulted in the formation and later consolidation of a group of scientists. Scientists who interacted with other professionals from other disciplines and institutions in their realization of projects of national interest. One consequence of the mentioned activities was the integration of a network of scientific exchange which included: sector from the productive apparatus, governmental and administrative instances, educational and research institutions, scientific publications and diverse scientific societies.
The School of Mines formed one of the nodes of that network, which manifested itself in the participation of its graduates in diverse scientific societies and in inter-institutional and interdisciplinary projects, often linked to the productive apparatus or the State.
All of the above contributed to the School of Mines maintaining its subsidy undiminished, even in difficult times, allowing scientific professionals to secure in the course of the century a relevant place among the political, administrative, productive and academic elites.
Final Comments
Analysis of the various points covered in this paper suggest the following considerations:
At the end of the colonial period, silver production in New Spain reached never before seen figures. To this contributed a number of factors, both local and foreign.
In the New Spanish context, during the second half of the Eighteenth Century, the local mining elites proposed to Carlos m a profound restructuring of the juridical, administrative, technological and educational aspects of science, an initiative that was undertaken by the Crown in the context of the Bourbon reforms.
At the international level, the scientific policies of the enlightened monarchs applied in the field of mining included sending specialized technicians and scientists, the promotion of organizational improvements and of improvements in production techniques and the creation of new institutions. In the scientific field, the most important of those institutions was the Royal School of Mines.
In this manner, the convergence of interest of the political power with that of the New Spanish elites made possible prosperity in the mining industry and the establishment of the Mining School. The latter developed its own dynamic which accounts for its growth in the face of political and economic instability in the Spanish Peninsula In this context, the functioning of the School reached a certain autonomy in the metropolis, which, as much in its conception as in its later development, formed part of the attempts of the elites to consolidate their own projects.
On the eve of independence, the holding of the different Chairs at the Mining School had passed on to former graduates of the institution, and it had become the most important scientific and academic center in the New Spain, as well as one of the most important in the Americas, North and South and throughout Spain and its empire. By then, the teaching, research and service carried out by the personnel linked to the School had encouraged the formation of a group of professionals and scientists and the solid foundation of a scientific infrastructure.
Once the independence of the Mexican nation had been declared, the continuous strategic importance of the mining sector made sure that once again the interests of the State and of the Mexican elites coincided with those of the academic and scientific communities. Since mining was fundamental for the economic, political and intellectual life of the country, its promotion was included as part of the agenda of national projects, without attention to political leanings. However, in the period studied there was not continuity in the policies applied by the State in mining, which were interrupted every time there was a change in power. As a consequence, there were many attempts in that direction. The analysis of scientific policies in the mining area allowed to present historical reality as a network of relationships, as a complex system in which the productive sector, government, academic institutions, the interests of the elites, individuals' personalities and even foreign interventions are structurally linked.
The scientific policies in independent Mexico supported the professionalization of occupations related to mining production, with the subsequent restructuring of the plans of study and the creation of new careers at the Mining School. They were also related to the modernization of the scientific infrastructure, to the modification of the legislation and of the mining bodies, to the utilization of scientific knowledge in the productive sector and in State projects, and the establishment of new institutions, among which the Fresnillo Practical School is prominent.
As for the activities within the sphere of influence of the Mining School in the Capital, it is evident that they were realized in a sustained manner (save some minor interruptions) and that they exhibit a surprising continuity, given the difficult political climate. Continuity, which was manifested in the updating of the plans of study to meet scientific progress and in its adaptation to State projects.
In those years, the development of scientific activity constituted an evolutionary process in which there were no profound break points or restructuring due to either the colonial regimen or the independent State. From that perspective, it becomes difficult to converge the changes in the political structure with the modifications in the scientific sphere. In this perspective, one can observe some continuity which extends not only to the academic functioning of the Mining College but also to the organizational and technological aspects of mine production. Even more, not even in the spheres of the philosophical and political assumptions of enlightened despotism and Mexican liberalism, one can find any evidence of a deviation of the role given to science and its applications in the progress of nations.
If, in the present investigation, the multiple structural and contextual relationships between what we call science and politics have been highlighted, no direct relationships between one and the other can be established.
Lastly, it is worth mentioning that throughout this case study, we find nothing that really resembles the categories of colonial science and independent science postulated by G. Basalla. In our opinion, the weakness of his model resides mainly in that it makes the dynamics of scientific activity developed in a particular historical and geographical location depend on external factors, displacing the importance of local circumstances to a secondary plane...